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This article is about the 2010 film. For the 1986 film starring Michael Caine, see The Whistle Blower. The Whistleblower Promotional poster Directed by Larysa Kondracki Produced by Christina Piovesan Amy Kaufman Celine Rattray Benito Mueller Wolfgang Mueller Written by Larysa Kondracki Eilis Kirwan Starring Rachel Weisz David Strathairn Nikolaj Lie Kaas Anna Anissimova Monica Bellucci Vanessa Redgrave Music by Mychael Danna [1] Cinematography Kieran McGuigan [1] Edited by Julian Clarke [2] Production company Voltage Pictures Distributed by Samuel Goldwyn Films Release date 13 September 2010 ( TIFF) 12 August 2011 (Canada) 27 October 2011 (Germany) Running time 112 minutes Country Canada Germany United States [3] Language English Box office $1. 1 million [4] The Whistleblower is a 2010 Canadian-German-American biographical crime drama film directed by Larysa Kondracki and starring Rachel Weisz. Kondracki and Eilis Kirwan wrote the screenplay, which was inspired by the story of Kathryn Bolkovac, a Nebraska police officer who was recruited as a United Nations peacekeeper for DynCorp International in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1999. While there, she discovered a sex trafficking ring serving (and facilitated by) DynCorp employees, with international peacekeepers turning a blind eye. Bolkovac was fired and forced out of the country after attempting to shut down the ring. She took the story to BBC News in the UK and won a wrongful dismissal lawsuit against DynCorp. Kondracki wanted her debut film to concern human trafficking, and she encountered Bolkovac's story in college. She and Kirwan struggled to obtain financial support for the project. Eight years after Kondracki decided to produce the film, she secured funding and cast Weisz in the lead role. The Whistleblower —a co-production of Canada, Germany, and the United States—was filmed in Romania from October to December 2009. The Whistleblower premiered on 13 September 2010, at the Toronto International Film Festival, and Samuel Goldwyn Films distributed the film in theaters in the United States. The film was advertised as a fictionalization of events occurring during the late 1990s. Kondracki said that the facts are broadly accurate but some details were omitted for the film; for example, a three-week "breaking-in" period for trafficking victims was not shown. The film received mixed reviews. The performances by Weisz and her co-stars were praised, but the intense violence depicted in several scenes was debated by critics, with some calling it exploitative. Kondracki and Weisz responded that what happened in Bosnia had been toned down for the film. The Whistleblower received several awards and nominations, including three nominations at the 2012 Genie Awards. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon hosted a screening of the film and promised action would be taken to prevent further instances of human trafficking. The Guardian reported that other UN officials attempted to downplay the events depicted and that initiatives against trafficking in Bosnia were aborted. Plot [ edit] Kathryn Bolkovac is a police officer from Lincoln, Nebraska, who accepts an offer to work with the United Nations International Police in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina for a British company, Democra Security (a pseudonym for DynCorp International). [5] After successfully advocating for a Muslim woman who experienced domestic abuse, Kathryn is appointed head of the department of gender affairs. Raya, a young Ukrainian woman, and her friend Luba are sold to a Bosnian sex-trafficking ring by a relative. Raya escapes with Irka, another girl forced into prostitution, and they are sent to a women's shelter for victims of human trafficking. While investigating their case, Kathryn uncovers a large-scale sexual slavery ring utilized by international personnel (including Americans). She persuades Raya and Irka to testify against their traffickers in court, guaranteeing their safety; however, an indifferent UN official drops Irka at the border between Bosnia and Serbia when she cannot produce a passport. Although rescued from the woods by Kathryn, Irka is too afraid to proceed with the trial. Meanwhile, Raya is recaptured by the traffickers after a corrupt peacekeeper tips them off. To deter other girls from running away and talking to the authorities, the traffickers make an example out of Raya by brutally raping her with a metal pipe in front of them. When she brings the scandal to the attention of the UN, Kathryn discovers that it has been covered up to protect lucrative defense and security contracts. However, she finds allies in her investigation: Madeleine Rees, head of the Human Rights Commission, and internal-affairs specialist Peter Ward. As her investigation continues, Kathryn is met with threats on her answering machine and dead ends when highers-up override and close all the Internal Affairs cases. Still, she continues to try to find Raya, and finally locates her on a raid, but Raya refuses to come with her. A few days later, Raya is found dead, having been shot in the head by one of the traffickers, Ivan. Kathryn sends an email to fifty senior mission personnel detailing her findings; she is then fired from her job. She and Ward acquire evidence of an official admitting the scandal before she is forced to leave the country, and she brings it to the BBC News. The final credits note that after Kathryn's departure, a number of peacekeepers were sent home (although none faced criminal charges because of immunity laws), and the U. S. continues doing business with private contractors such as Democra Security (including billion-dollar contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan). Cast [ edit] Production [ edit] Writing [ edit] There were so many people in the same situation as her. They saw what was going on, and they didn't respond in the way that she did. — Rachel Weisz on Kathryn Bolkovac [6] The Whistleblower is based on the experiences of Kathryn Bolkovac, an American police officer who in 1999 was assigned to serve as a peacekeeper with the United Nations in post-war Bosnia. While there, she reportedly discovered a sex-trafficking ring which served and was facilitated by other peacekeepers. Bolkovac was fired after trying to investigate the ring, but later won a wrongful dismissal lawsuit. [6] Director Larysa Kondracki and co-screenwriter Eilis Kirwan learned of Bolkovac's story while attending Columbia University, eight years before the film's production. Kondracki subsequently devoted significant time to research human trafficking and the sex trade. After Bolkovac sold her the film rights for $100, [7] she resolved to adapt the story for the screen. [6] Financing for the project was initially difficult to secure, although the situation improved after Rachel Weisz was cast as Bolkovac. "I was young and naïve, " Kondracki said of her initial attempts to secure funding. "I thought: 'Of course they're going to make my film. It's brilliant! '" [6] The Whistleblower was described as a "fictionalized dramatic presentation" of a late-1990s scandal. The producers based it on Bolkovac's experiences, rather than on her memoir. [5] Vanessa Redgrave played Madeleine Rees, a UN human-rights official ("one of the film's few heroic characters") who helps Bolkovac uncover the sex trade. Raya ( Roxana Condurache) and Luba (Paula Schramm), two Ukrainian young women who are trafficked into Bosnia, are the primary representations of the trafficking victims encountered by Bolkovac. Neither is based on a particular person; they are composites of young women forced to work in Bosnian brothels. Kondracki's younger sister, Rayisa, also played a trafficking victim. [8] For legal reasons the pseudonym "Democra Security" was used for DynCorp International, the organization whose employees reportedly sexually enslaved the women. [5] Although the producers kept the film factual, they debated how much to include. Details on the bureaucracy were removed. Kondracki said, "It was too much information and, frankly, people were bored. " [6] Another concern was how much violence against the sex-trafficking victims should be depicted in the film. Kondracki chose to bluntly portray the inhumane treatment of the young women, which she described as accurate representations of what happened. [5] This included a graphic scene, in which Raya is raped with a lead pipe after her escape and recapture. Weisz thought the reality had been toned down, "In real life there were girls doing this as young as 8 years old. " [6] Kondracki agreed, saying that she had lightened the events depicted out of fear that viewers would "tune it out": [5] We show what is just about permissible to show. We couldn't possibly include the three-week desensitisation period, when they burn the girls in particular places. We couldn't really capture the hopelessness of life these women are subjected to. [9] Kondracki said that her goal for The Whistleblower was "information and exposure" on human trafficking. She said, "No one is putting pressure on governments to stop it, and there is no accountability. It's laziness. " [6] Filming [ edit] The Whistleblower is a Canadian–German co-production. [8] Weisz received the script from producer Amy Kaufman in 2007. Since she was pregnant with her son at the time, [10] she initially turned down the offer. She said the story haunted her, [11] and she later contacted Kaufman to ask if the project was still available. [11] She signed on in August 2009, [12] and shooting began in October 2009. [13] [14] Bolkovac visited the set in Bucharest, Romania, where most of the movie was filmed. [11] Weisz said that she made a point to spend "every waking moment" with her to accurately portray her. [10] Weisz and Bolkovac are dissimilar in appearance: the former is dark-haired and slight, and the latter is "blond and much more voluptuous" and "much taller". As a result, the actress focused on emulating Bolkovac's accent and determination. [10] Bolkovac later said she commended the choice to portray her and appreciated Weisz's efforts to be accurate. [15] Filming took around six weeks, relatively short for a thriller; Weisz said most take about three months to complete. [16] Producers used hand-held cameras [17] and had a lower budget than usual for the genre. [16] Kondracki said filming in Eastern Europe was crucial, "In a story such as this, it's more about what you don't see, so you need to create that world. " [14] The Carpathian Mountains in Romania served as the backdrop for the war-ravaged Sarajevo of the late 1990s. [14] Scenes set in UN buildings were filmed in Toronto. [18] Most outdoor scenes are set at night; daytime shots often appear bleak, gray and overcast. This, coupled with a grainy texture, helped create a documentary feel. [19] She was so interested in who I was as a person. Not, obviously, to look like me or to behave like me, but to make sure that my character came out and to make sure that she was saying and doing things perhaps the way that I would've wanted them done. And I know that there had to be a lot of liberties taken to make the movie. But I think in general she does do a great job of bringing my character to the film. — Kathryn Bolkovac on Weisz's portrayal [20] Weisz had to separate herself emotionally from the atrocities depicted in the film. "It's something you learn, " she said. "It's true between 'action' and 'cut, ' and after 'cut' it's just not true anymore. " [21] Bolkovac echoed Weisz's sentiments, adding that distancing oneself emotionally is a necessity when working on a police force. [21] However, the producers wanted the audience to be affected by scenes depicting brutal treatment of the women forced into prostitution, and the character of Raya was created to give a human face to the victims. [22] Much of the rape scene was cut after its brutality caused a viewer to faint during the film's first screening in Toronto. [21] Weisz responded: I completely understand. It would be just too harrowing for people to watch. What actually happened was so much worse. I mean the stories I could tell you from the first person who encountered these young women. That was the "light" version if you can believe that. But it isn't a documentary, you don't want to destroy people. You just want to illuminate something that actually happened that was a hundred times worse. [23] Themes [ edit] Victor Malarek 's book The Natashas inspired Kondracki to produce a film on sex trafficking The Whistleblower focuses on sexual slavery, human trafficking, and corruption. [24] Kondracki wanted her first project to concern sex trafficking but was unsure how to create a moving, original plot. Her mother was born in Ukraine, and she was aware of what she described as the country's "epidemic" of trafficking. [7] Victor Malarek 's book The Natashas inspired her to produce a film on the subject. [7] She said of her initiative being a challenge, "No one wants to watch a film of an enslaved girl being raped for two hours. " [9] Bolkovac's experiences gave Kondracki a framework for the film and added the themes of corruption and wide-scale cover-ups. [7] Film critic Rex Reed said that the abuse of power featured prominently in The Whistleblower; a number of government officials participate in the sex trade or turn a blind eye to it [24] (including peacekeepers, UN members and mercenaries). [7] Wallace Baine of the Santa Cruz Sentinel wrote that these aspects' portrayal made the movie "slippery and true-to-life". She said, "There are clear and vivid monsters in this film, but there are also those existing in the shades-of-gray middle, nice-enough guys tolerating crimes of unspeakable barbarity. " [19] Justice, another prominent theme, does not materialize by the end. [8] The sex trafficking victim Raya is killed, and none of the peacekeepers who participated in the trafficking are prosecuted (although several are sent home). According to Baine, viewers are left with the impression that "the worst violence in Bolkovac's story was the violence done to justice". [19] Bolkovac is portrayed as imperfect—a "noble but screwed up" individual. [24] In the film (which roughly mirrors her real life), her personal life is in disarray. She has lost custody of her children to her ex-husband and goes to Bosnia to earn money to move closer to them. While there, she has an affair with a fellow peacekeeper. [19] Kondracki wanted to promote the idea of an average protagonist who acted against injustice while her peers looked the other way. [7] Her flaws are offset by her determination to fight the sex trade, and reviewers found these aspects instrumental in making her a three-dimensional character. [19] [24] Weisz compared Bolkovac's story of "one lone woman fighting injustice" to that of David and Goliath, her favorite film genre. [11] In the film, as in real life, Bolkovac begins by investigating a case of a kidnapped girl. As the story unfolds, she discovers a wide-ranging web of corruption and faces growing obstacles. The sex trade is facilitated by a large, influential organization. [16] When she tries to report her findings to the UN and local officials, she receives threats and is "shunned by coworkers and thwarted by higher-ups". Weisz explained that she liked the idea of an ordinary person doing something extraordinary. She said, "I love that kind of thriller, the ordinary person who, because of their character, it's their character that leads them. " [11] Release [ edit] The Whistleblower premiered on 13 September 2010, at the 2010 Toronto Film Festival. [25] Screenings were also held at film festivals in North America, [26] including the 2011 Human Rights Watch Film Festival in New York. [6] A screening was held for The Whistleblower in Bosnia-Herzegovina for the first time in March 2014. The film was shown in Sarajevo and Mostar, with Kathryn Bolkovac being invited to speak to the Bosnian audience. [27] Box office [ edit] Samuel Goldwyn Films purchased rights to distribute the film in the United States. [28] The film had a limited release starting on 5 August 2011. It initially screened in seven theaters and expanded to a maximum of 70 theaters before drawing down. Its theatrical run lasted 12 weeks, during which it grossed $1. 1 million. [4] Critical response [ edit] At the time of its theatrical release, The Whistleblower received mixed reviews. [29] Review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes said critics commended Weisz's performance but thought that "the film suffers from a literal-minded approach to the material". The website surveyed 115 critics and, categorizing the reviews as positive or negative, assessed 85 as positive and 30 as negative. Of the 115 reviews, it determined a rating average of 6. 5 out of 10. Based on the reviews, the website gave the film a score of 74%. [30] Another aggregator Metacritic surveyed 30 critics and assessed 17 reviews as positive, 10 as mixed, and three as negative. Based on the reviews, it gave the film a score of 59 out of 100, which it said indicated "mixed or average reviews". [31] The Guardian's Ed Vulliamy called The Whistleblower "the most searing drama-documentary of recent years", [9] and The Huffington Post ' s Marshall Fine said the story was "dark, grim, and harrowing". [32] Doris Toumarkine of Film Journal International called the movie a "well-told but troubling story impressively wrapped for audiences who show up in theatres for do-good cinema of a high order". [18] Leigh Paatsch of said, "it is Bolkovac's ferocious will to right so many wrongs (expertly channelled by Weisz) that keeps you glued to the screen". [33] Stephenie Foster of The Huffington Post gave the film a highly-favorable review: It's a compelling and maddening story, and reflects the complexity of how international institutions function and interact and the difficulty of accountability in a situation where people have immunity for their actions. But, it's also a story of gutsy people in tough and compromising situations making decisions that aren't in their personal best interest. [34] An equally-positive review appeared in The Balkan Chronicle: Kondracki shows great promise with her direction. Pacing is tight for the most part, and the film feels well film is unsatisfying only in its conclusion. This is not the fault of the filmmakers who choose to stay true to Bolkovac's story. No one was ever brought to justice. A few of men were fired and sent home, but everyone had diplomatic immunity so no one ever faced criminal charges. Two million people worldwide are still being trafficked. [35] Allison Willmore of The A. V. Club gave The Whistleblower a negative review, criticizing the producers for making its antagonists one-dimensional: "There's no hint of the erosion of morality that led to this point. " [36] Peter Rainer of The Christian Science Monitor called the film's pace "frustratingly uneven", but commended the actors' performances: Condurache "makes Raya's fears tremblingly palpable". [37] Stephen Holden of The New York Times wrote that the film "tells a story so repellent that it is almost beyond belief. Its conclusion—that in the moral quagmire of war and its aftermath, human trafficking and corruption are collateral damage—is unutterably depressing. " [8] He praised Weisz's performance as "the strongest element" of the production. [8] The actors' performances received overall praise from reviewers. Camerin Courtney of Christianity Today was dismayed that the main character engaged in a sexual relationship with a married man, but Weisz "is wonderful as Bolkovac, a no-nonsense civil servant who is stunned at what she walks into" while "Vanessa Redgrave is a needed touch of strength and warmth as her mentor Madeleine, and David Strathairn is at his government thriller best as Peter Ward, an Internal Affairs agent. Raya is heart-breaking as the young victim. " [38] Steve Rea of The Post and Courier praised Redgrave's acting in the supporting role of Madeleine Rees as "forceful, elegant, precise". [16] Mick LaSalle of the San Francisco Chronicle said, "Weisz gives a psychologically astute performance as a woman who can't leave things alone. " [39] Rex Reed of The Observer called her "superb" in the lead role. [24] Kondracki's graphic depiction of violence was controversial. Bob Mondello of NPR called it "sobering", but felt the scenes detracted from the film and should have been more subtle. [40] Ryan Rojas of Tonight at the Movies described the film as "gritty and merciless", and cautioned that certain scenes might offend some viewers: "While the scenes do work as reinforcing the horror of the events, it really just made it obvious that the way that the director was going to win over fans was to simply shock them into numbness, as scenes showing rape, mutilation, and murder are shown in very disturbing fashion. " [41] Christian Hamaker of wrote: The film is almost unremittingly grim, which may seem appropriate for such a horrifying subject, but the effect on the viewer is that of being struck repeatedly with a sledgehammer. Sex trafficking is bad. Really bad! Did you get that, or do you need to watch a few more scenes of physical and sexual brutality? Don't worry: The Whistleblower has those aplenty. It takes brutality into the realm of gratuitousness, all in the name of showing the horrors of the issue it's addressing. [42] A review in The Balkan Chronicle, an Internet-based newspaper reporting from the Balkans, disagreed with the opinion that the violence was unnecessarily explicit or sensationalized: "Sugarcoating it would do no one any good. Grisly authenticity is one of the film's greatest aspects. " [43] Later, when Bolkovac spoke at a screening of the film in Bosnia, it was reported that her message was well-received and discussion about the events that occurred in the late 1990s "did not fail to engage and provoke". [27] Home media [ edit] 20th Century Fox Home Entertainment released the film on DVD on 15 January 2012. [9] [44] The movie was reportedly more successful on Blu-ray Disc than in theatres, and film critic Lynette Porter said that the subject's serious nature made it better-suited for television. [26] Accolades [ edit] Aftermath [ edit] In response to controversy caused by the film, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon promised action to prevent sex trafficking by UN workers. Consistent with Bolkovac's account, The Whistleblower portrays DynCorp International employees as participants in the postwar Bosnian sex trade with the UN turning a blind eye. Bolkovac responded, "Unfortunately, the widespread horror is already there. This is not going to be simple or a quick fix. " She said that in addition to Bosnia, peacekeepers had violated human rights in Nigeria, Kosovo, Burundi, Sierra Leone, the Congo, Liberia, Cambodia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Haiti, Colombia, Guinea and Sudan. [9] [14] Kondracki added that while she wanted to be optimistic and hoped that the screening would "lead to genuine discussion and thought about the UN's involvement in sex trafficking and other crimes", she worried that it might not have the desired lasting impact: "I know we are going to hear a lot about what has been done since the time depicted in this film, but rhetoric only goes so far. The situation has escalated. " Following the theatrical release of The Whistleblower, The Guardian reported that other UN officials attempted to downplay the events depicted and that initiatives against trafficking in Bosnia were aborted. [9] DynCorp International spokesperson Ashley Burke said: I haven't seen the movie so I can't comment on its content, but I can tell you that, when we contacted the film's distributor to learn more about the movie, we were informed that the film 'is a fictionalized dramatic presentation' that while inspired by Ms. Bolkovac's experiences, is not based on her book. There was no threatened legal action taken to ensure they did not use the company's name in the film. [5] References [ edit] ^ a b Chang, Justin (15 September 2010). "Review: 'The Whistleblower ' ". Variety. Retrieved 14 July 2014. ^ Mackie, John (4 March 2010). "Vancouver at the Oscars: District 9 film editor makes the cut". The Vancouver Sun. ^ "The Whistleblower (2011)". American Film Institute. Retrieved 8 July 2014. ^ a b "The Whistleblower". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ a b c d e f Lynch, Colum (29 June 2011). "The Whistleblower: The movie the U. N. would prefer you didn't see". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ a b c d e f g h Karpel, Ari (28 July 2011). "Exposing Injustices, the Real-Life Kind". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ a b c d e f Griffin, Blake (11 May 2011). "Exclusive Interview With Larysa Kondracki On The Whistleblower". We Got this Covered. Retrieved 8 October 2013. ^ a b c d e Holden, Stephen (4 August 2011). "The Whistleblower (2010)". Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ a b c d e f Vulliamy, Ed (14 January 2012). "Has the UN learned lessons of Bosnian sex slavery revealed in Rachel Weisz film? ". The Guardian. Retrieved 4 October 2013. ^ a b c Lacher, Irene (31 July 2011). "The Sunday Conversation: Rachel Weisz". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ a b c d e Zakarin, Jordan (1 October 2011). "Rachel Weisz In 'The Whistleblower': An Ordinary Woman Doing Extraordinary Things". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ Siegel, Tatiana (20 August 2009). "Trio join Weisz for indie 'Whistleblower ' ". Retrieved 29 November 2009. ^ Blaga, Lulia (28 October 2009). "Whistleblower begins filming at MediaPro Studios". Film News Europe. Archived from the original on 18 October 2013. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ a b c d Liao, Shannon (5 August 2011). "Blowing the Whistle on the U. 's Big Secret". The Epoch Times. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ "Q&A with Kathryn Bolkovac, inspiration for the film 'The Whistleblower ' ". Park & Go. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ a b c d Rea, Steve (28 August 2011). " ' Whistleblower' Rachel Weisz haunted by Bosnian sex-slave story". The Post and Courier. Retrieved 12 October 2013. ^ Whitman, Howard (17 February 2012). "Blu-ray Movie Review: The Whistleblower". Technologytell. Retrieved 2 April 2012. ^ a b Toumarkine, Doris (1 August 2011). "Film Review: The Whistleblower". Film Journal. Archived from the original on 14 October 2013. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ a b c d e Baine, Wallace (18 August 2011). " ' Whistleblower' focuses on horrors of sex trafficking". Santa Cruz Sentinel. Archived from the original on 17 October 2013. Retrieved 8 October 2013. ^ King, Dennis (27 January 2012). "Rachel Weisz celebrates heroic woman in fact-based 'The Whistleblower ' ". NewsOK. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ a b c Leong, Melissa (17 September 2010). "Star Rachel Weisz and subject Kathryn Bolkovac on detaching themselves from the events of The Whistleblower". The National Post. Archived from the original on 7 July 2012. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ "The Whistleblower (2010/2011)". Covering Media. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ Hammond, Pete (5 August 2011). "HAMMOND: Could Rachel Weisz Be Back In The Oscar Game? ". Deadline. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ a b c d e Reed, Rex (2 August 2011). "The Whistleblower Reveals a Truth More Chilling than Fiction". The Observer. Retrieved 8 October 2013. ^ Brevet, Brad (24 August 2010). "The Complete 2010 Toronto International Film Festival Line-up". Rope of Silicon. Retrieved 27 May 2011. ^ a b Porter, Lynette (12 September 2010). "More than a Movie: 'The Whistleblower's Heartfelt Plea for Greater Humanity". Pop Matters. Retrieved 7 October 2013. ^ a b Sivertsen, Kim (5 March 2014). " " The Whistleblower" shown in Sarajevo and Mostar". The Nansen Center for Peace and Dialogue. Archived from the original on 15 August 2014. Retrieved 26 June 2014. ^ Kit, Borys (4 November 2010). "Rachel Weisz's 'The Whistleblower' Picked Up By Samuel Goldwyn Films". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 27 May 2011. ^ Sandell, Scott (13 August 2011). " ' The Whistleblower': Poster child for the middlebrow? ". Retrieved 3 July 2014. ^ "The Whistleblower". Rotten Tomatoes. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ "The Whistleblower". Metacritic. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ Fine, Marshall (5 August 2011). "HuffPost Review: The Whistleblower". Retrieved 8 October 2013. ^ Paatsch, Leigh (29 September 2011). "Film review: The Whistleblower".. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ Foster, Stephenie (2 August 2011). "The Whistleblower: A Compelling Film About Standing Up for What's Right". Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ "The Whistleblower – A film about the true story from Bosnia". The Balkan Chronicle. 20 March 2012. Archived from the original on 28 December 2013. Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ Willmore, Allison (4 August 2011). "The Whistleblower". The A. Club. Retrieved 5 October 2013. ^ Rainer, Peter (5 August 2011). "The Whistleblower: movie review". Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 3 October 2013. ^ Courtney, Camerin (12 August 2011). Christianity Today. Retrieved 7 October 2013. ^ LaSalle, Mick (12 August 2011). " ' The Whistleblower' review: truth improves it". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved 8 October 2013. ^ Mondello, Bob (4 August 2011). "A 'Whistleblower' Against International Injustice". NPR. Retrieved 12 October 2013. ^ Rojas, Ryan (4 August 2011). "Movie Review: The Whistleblower – A graphically charged drama about real life human trafficking". Tonight at the Movies. Retrieved 12 October 2013. ^ Hamaker, Christian (5 August 2011). " Whistleblower Tackles Human Trafficking".. Retrieved 12 October 2013. ^ "The Whistleblower—A film about the true story from Bosnia". Retrieved 26 June 2014. ^ "The Whistleblower". The-Numbers. Retrieved 26 June 2014. ^ a b "The Whistleblower, a true tale". Sunday Times. 26 May 2013. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ a b "Larysa Kondracki". Columbia University. Archived from the original on 10 May 2014. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ "22nd Annual Palm Springs International Film Festival Announces Festival Winners". Palm Springs International Film Society. 16 January 2011. Archived from the original on 22 November 2011. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ Savage, Sophia (29 June 2011). "Many Festivals, Many Winners: iW Rounds up June's Major Film Fest Awards". Indie Wire. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ a b " ' Method, ' 'Cafe' lead Genie noms". Delhi News Record. 17 January 2012. Archived from the original on 16 October 2013. Retrieved 12 October 2013. ^ "2012 Genie Awards Nominations: Complete List". Movie Fone. Archived from the original on 27 February 2014. Retrieved 6 October 2013. ^ "VFCC Announces 12th Annual Award Nominees". Vancouver Film Critics. 2 January 2012. Retrieved 6 October 2013. External links [ edit] Official website The Whistleblower on IMDb The Whistleblower at Rotten Tomatoes The Whistleblower at Metacritic Kathryn Bolkovac's website.

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A complaint against President Donald Trump concerning his interactions with the Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky was released with few redactions. It offers a detailed look at concerns from a government official that Trump has abused his office by soliciting “interference” from a foreign country in the 2020 presidential campaign — specifically, that he asked for help digging up damaging material on a leading Democratic rival, former Vice President Joe Biden — and that White House officials tried to cover it up. Read the latest on the complaint. Below is a line-by-line examination of the allegations. The Honorable Richard Burr Chairman Select Committee on Intelligence United States Senate The Honorable Adam Schiff Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence United States House of Representatives Dear Chairman Burr and Chairman Schiff: I am reporting an “urgent concern” in accordance with the procedures outlined in 50 U. S. C. §3033(k)(5)(A). This letter is UNCLASSIFIED when separated from the attachment. The whistleblower cites the portion of US law that deals with the Inspector General of the Intelligence Community and makes clear that any “urgent concern” an intelligence community employee wants to report to Congress must first go through the inspector general. In the course of my official duties, I have received information from multiple U. Government officials that the President of the United States is using the power of his office to solicit interference from a foreign country in the 2020 U. election. This interference includes, among other things, pressuring a foreign country to investigate one of the President’s main domestic political rivals. The President’s personal lawyer, Mr. Rudolph Giuliani, is a central figure in this effort. Attorney General Barr appears to be involved as well. “I have received information” is different than witnessing information. The whistleblower appears to be reporting second-hand information. That might not matter since it is thoroughly documented, and as the White House transcript of Trump’s Ukraine phone call shows, what the whistleblower alleged, at least on that front, was true. This raises questions that the whistleblower doesn’t address in the complaint, but which Congress could investigate: Were these other officials concerned? And if the interference described below is only one kind of solicitation — “among other things” — what else did Trump try to do? Over the past four months, more than half a dozen U. officials have informed me of various facts related to this effort. The information provided herein was relayed to me in the course of official interagency business. It is routine for U. officials with responsibility for a particular regional or functional portfolio to share such information with one another in order to inform policymaking and analysis. The whistleblower report was filed August 12. Trump’s call with Zelensky occurred July 25. But here the whistleblower seems to be saying US officials have been discussing the effort by Trump, Giuliani and, potentially, Barr since as early as April, the same month Zelensky assumed office. Giuliani is Trump’s personal lawyer. But Barr is the top law enforcement officer in the United States. His involvement would be extremely consequential. I was not a direct witness to most of the events described. However, I found my colleagues’ accounts of these events to be credible because, in almost all cases, multiple officials recounted fact patterns that were consistent with one another. In addition, a variety of information consistent with these private accounts has been reported publicly. There has already been an effort by the White House to use this admission — that the whistleblower did not directly witness everything in the complaint — to undermine the complaint as, in Trump’s own words, “another political hack job. ” That view is not shared by the DNI or the inspector general, who took the complaint seriously. The whistleblower has asked to remain anonymous. I am deeply concerned that the actions described below constitute “a serious or flagrant problem, abuse, or violation of law or Executive Order” that “does not include differences of opinions concerning public policy matters, ” consistent with the definition of an”urgent concern” in 50 U. §3033(k)(5)(G). I am therefore fulfilling my duty to report this information, through proper legal channels, to the relevant authorities. One of the definitions of “urgent concern” in US law is: “A serious or flagrant problem, abuse, violation of law or executive order, or deficiency relating to the funding, administration, or operation of an intelligence activity within the responsibility and authority of the Director of National Intelligence involving classified information, but does not include differences of opinions concerning public policy matters. ” This complaint, along with the related transcript of Trump’s Ukraine call released by the White House, has already led to calls for Trump’s impeachment. Remember, the Constitution says a President should be impeached not for breaking US law, but rather for committing treason, bribery or “high crimes and misdemeanors. ” It’s Congress’s job to determine what those are, in what are known as articles of impeachment. I am also concerned that these actions pose risks to U. national security and undermine the U. Government’s efforts to deter and counter foreign interference in U. elections. This is a good time to recall that special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation was about allegations that Trump’s campaign colluded with Russia in 2016 and that Trump then tried to shut down investigations into those claims. The final act of that investigation, Mueller’s testimony before Congress, occurred the day before Trump’s phone call with Zelensky. A President using his office to influence a foreign power to get involved in a US election would be different — and arguably much worse — than an unelected candidate asking for help. To the best of my knowledge, the entirety of this statement is unclassified when separated from the classified enclosure. I have endeavored to apply the classification standards outlined in Executive Order (EO) 13526 and to separate out information that I know or have reason to believe is classified for national security purposes. 1 This whistleblower is clearly an intelligence pro and wrote this report from the outset with an eye to public, unclassified consumption. The Mueller report went through a long redaction process by the Department of Justice and during that period, Barr released a short summary that selectively quoted the report, the result of which was that the initial public focus was on elements less damning to Trump — which has not happened in this case. If a classification marking is applied retroactively, I believe it is incumbent upon the classifying authority to explain why such a marking was applied, and to which specific information it pertains. Elements of the complaint are redacted later on in the classified appendix. I. The 25 July Presidential phone call Early in the morning of 25 July, the President spoke by telephone with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. I do not know which side initiated the call. This was the first publicly acknowledged call between the two leaders since a brief congratulatory call after Mr. Zelenskyy won the presidency on 21 April. Multiple White House officials with direct knowledge of the call informed me that, after an initial exchange of pleasantries, the President used the remainder of the call to advance his personal interests. Namely, he sought to pressure the Ukrainian leader to take actions to help the President’s 2020 reelection bid. According to the White House officials who had direct knowledge of the call, the President pressured Mr. Zelenskyy to, inter alia: initiate or continue an investigation 2 into the activities of former Vice President Joseph Biden and his son, Hunter Biden; assist in purportedly uncovering that allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 U. presidential election originated in Ukraine, with a specific request that the Ukrainian leader locate and turn over servers used by the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and examined by the U. cyber security firm Crowdstrike, 3 which initially reported that Russian hackers had penetrated the DNC’s networks in 2016; and meet or speak with two people the President named explicitly as his personal envoys on these matters, Mr. Giuliani and Attorney General Barr, to whom the President referred multiple times in tandem. A White House transcript of the call was released September 25. Read it with context and analysis here. The whistleblower apparently did not see the White House transcript of the call, but clearly it was discussed within the US government. The description of the call is generally accurate. It’s interesting that the whistleblower notes this is the first “publicly acknowledged” call since April. The implication is that Trump potentially may have had other, unacknowledged, calls. The bigger context is this: Trump is preoccupied with Biden, and has repeatedly predicted that Biden will win the Democratic primary and be his opponent in November 2020. This is all about damaging a potential opponent, but it’s also the American President asking a foreign country to help investigate two American citizens — Biden and his son, Hunter. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Biden. The President also praised Ukraine’s Prosecutor General, Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, and suggested that Mr. Zelenskyy might want to keep him in his position. (Note: Starting in March 2019, Mr. Lutsenko made a series of public allegations-many of which he later walked back-about the Biden family’s activities in Ukraine, Ukrainian officials’ purported involvement in the 2016 U. election, and the activities of the U. Embassy in Kyiv. See Part IV for additional context. ) Then-Ukrainian Prosecutor General Yury Lutsenko said in May he was looking to “reanimate” an investigation of Hunter Biden’s former employer – but that apparently never happened. He also said there was no evidence of any crime by Biden. Lutsenko left office in August after the new administration of Zelensky took office. The White House officials who told me this information were deeply disturbed by what had transpired in the phone call. They told me that there was already a “discussion ongoing” with White House lawyers about how to treat the call because of the likelihood, in the officials’ retelling, that they had witnessed the President abuse his office for personal gain. This is an important passage because it suggests unease inside the White House over Trump’s actions — but also that staffers were worried they might get in trouble as witnesses. The Ukrainian side was the first to publicly acknowledge the phone call. On the evening of 25 July, a readout was posted on the website of the Ukrainian President that contained the following line (translation from original Russian-language readout): “Donald Trump expressed his conviction that the new Ukrainian government will be able to quickly improve Ukraine’s image and complete the investigation of corruption cases that have held back cooperation between Ukraine and the United States. ” Indeed, Zelensky has an official website that features English translations of all postings. A statement dated July 25 mentions the need to address corruption cases standing between countries. The White House only later acknowledged the call. The US press has often found out about Trump’s interactions with foreign leaders from the foreign governments on the other end of the calls, rather than from the White House. The most infamous instance was when Trump allowed the then-Russian ambassador and foreign minister into the Oval Office and they later released pictures on social media, and when the Kremlin issued a statement about a phone call, also in late July, between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin and the White House acknowledged it hours later. Aside from the above-mentioned “cases” purportedly dealing with the Biden family and the 2016 U. election, I was told by White House officials that no other “cases” were discussed. Based on my understanding, there were approximately a dozen White House officials who listened to the call-a mixture of policy officials and duty officers in the White House Situation Room, as is customary. The officials I spoke with told me that participation in the call had not been restricted in advance because everyone expected it would be a “routine” call with a foreign leader. I do not know whether anyone was physically present with the President during the call. The Situation Room duty officers who prepared the rough transcript listed the location of the call as the White House residence, and it’s not clear from the transcript whether anyone was with Trump. The fact that Trump took no pains to hide the conversation from official channels suggests that he may truly not see anything wrong with asking a foreign ally to investigate a fellow American running for office as a favor, in his capacity as President. In addition to White House personnel, I was told that a State Department official, Mr. T. Ulrich Brechbuhl, also listened in on the call. I was not the only non-White House official to receive a readout of the call. Based on my understanding, multiple State Department and Intelligence Community officials were also briefed on the contents of the call as outlined above. Brechbuhl was born in Switzerland and raised in New York. He is a West Point classmate, business partner and confidant of Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who appointed him to his role at the at the State Department. In the days following the phone call, I learned from multiple U. officials that senior White House officials had intervened to “lock down” all records of the phone call, especially the official word-for-word transcript of the call that was produced-as is customary-by the White House Situation Room. This set of actions underscored to me that White House officials understood the gravity of what had transpired in the call. The whistleblower’s use of the phrase “lock down” and subsequent description is another way to say “cover up. ” This explosive allegation suggests that Trump aides realized that his call was inappropriate even if Trump publicly says it was “perfect. ” White House officials told me that they were “directed” by White House lawyers to remove the electronic transcript from the computer system in which such transcripts are typically stored for coordination, finalization, and distribution to Cabinet-level officials. Instead, the transcript was loaded into a separate electronic system that is otherwise used to store and handle classified information of an especially sensitive nature. One White House official described this act as an abuse of this electronic system because the call did not contain anything remotely sensitive from a national security perspective. I do not know whether similar measures were taken to restrict access to other records of the call, such as contemporaneous handwritten notes taken by those who listened in. This claim will become a key element of any investigation and may dictate whether it extends to include officials beyond Trump, including current White House counsel is Pat Cipollone, who took the job last year after the departure of Don McGahn. Any effort to conceal information using the White House electronic system should be covered under presidential records acts, but will almost certainly end up being the subject of a court battle over executive privilege. III. Ongoing concerns On 26 July, a day after the call, U. Special Representative for Ukraine Negotiations Kurt Volker visited Kyiv and met with President Zelenskyy and a variety of Ukrainian political figures. Ambassador Volker was accompanied in his meetings by U. Ambassador to the European Union Gordon Sondland. Based on multiple readouts of these meetings recounted to me by various U. officials, Ambassadors Volker and Sondland reportedly provided advice to the Ukrainian leadership about how to “navigate” the demands that the President had made of Mr. Zelenskyy. Volker is a key player in all of this. CNN has reported that Zelensky had joked with Volker about Giuliani in a meeting before this phone call. Volker later set up the meeting between Giuliani and a Zelensky adviser in an effort to get the Biden matter out of official talks. One person who’s not mentioned in the complaint: former national security adviser John Bolton, who was also involved in the Ukraine issue. I also learned from multiple U. officials that, on or about 2 August, Mr. Giuliani reportedly traveled to Madrid to meet with one of President Zelenskyy’ s advisers, Andriy Yermak. The U. officials characterized this meeting, which was not reported publicly at the time, as a “direct follow-up” to the President’s call with Mr. Zelenskyy about the “cases” they had discussed. Separately, multiple U. officials told me that Mr. Giuliani had reportedly privately reached out to a variety of other Zelenskyy advisers, including Chief of Staff Andriy Bohdan and Acting Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine Ivan Bakanov. 4 I do not know whether those officials met or spoke with Mr. Giuliani, but I was told separately by multiple U. officials that Mr. Yermak and Mr. Bakanov intended to travel to Washington in mid-August. CNN reported in August on Giuliani’s meeting with Yermak, during which Giuliani pushed for an inquiry by the Ukrainians into Biden. On 9 August, the President told reporters: “I think [President Zelenskyy] is going to make a deal with President Putin, and he will be invited to the White House. And we look forward to seeing him. He’s already been invited to the White House, and he wants to come. And I think he will. He’s a very reasonable guy. He wants to see peace in Ukraine, and I think he will be coming very soon, actually. ” At that point, Trump had already put the brakes on nearly $400 million in aid to Ukraine, including $250 million in military aid. IV. Circumstances leading up to the 25 July Presidential phone call Beginning in late March 2019, a series of articles appeared in an online publication called The Hill. In these articles, several Ukrainian officials — most notably, Prosecutor General Yuriy Lutsenko — made a series of allegations against other Ukrainian officials and current and former U. officials. Mr. Lutsenko and his colleagues alleged, inter alia: that they possessed evidence that Ukrainian officials—namely, Head of the National Anticorruption Bureau of Ukraine Artem Sytnyk and Member of Parliament Serhiy Leshchenko—had “interfered” in the 2016 U. presidential election, allegedly in collaboration with the DNC and the U. Embassy in Kyiv; 5 that the U. Embassy in Kyiv—specifically, U. Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch, who had criticized Mr. Lutsenko’s organization for its poor record on fighting corruption­—had allegedly obstructed Ukrainian law enforcement agencies’ pursuit of corruption cases, including by providing a “do not prosecute” list, and had blocked Ukrainian prosecutors from traveling to the United States expressly to prevent them from delivering their “evidence” about the 2016 U. election; 6 and that former Vice President Biden had pressured former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko in 2016 to fire then Ukrainian Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin in order to quash a purported criminal probe into Burisma Holdings, a Ukrainian energy company on whose board the former Vice President’s son, Hunter, sat. 7 In several public comments, 8 Mr. Lutsenko also stated that he wished to communicate directly with Attorney General Barr on these matters. 9 The allegations by Mr. Lutsenko came on the eve of the first round of Ukraine’s presidential election on 31 March. By that time, Mr. Lutsenko’s political patron, President Poroshenko, was trailing Mr. Zelenskyy in the polls and appeared likely to be defeated. Zelenskyy had made known his desire to replace Mr. Lutsenko as Prosecutor General. On 21 April, Mr. Poroshenko lost the runoff to Mr. Zelenskyy by a landslide. See Enclosure for additional information. It was also publicly reported that Mr. Giuliani had met on at least two occasions with Mr. Lutsenko: once in New York in late January and again in Warsaw in mid-February. In addition, it was publicly reported that Mr. Giuliani had spoken in late 2018 to former Prosecutor General Shokin, in a Skype call arranged by two associates of Mr. Giuliani. 10 On 25 April in an interview with Fox News, the President called Mr. Lutsenko’s claims “big” and “incredible” and stated that the Attorney General “would want to see this. ” A large portion of that Fox News interview with Trump by Sean Hannity was focused on Ukraine. “We have a great new attorney general who has done an unbelievable job in a very short period of time. ” Trump said of Barr. “And he is very smart and tough and I would certainly defer to him. I would imagine he would want to see this. People have been saying this whole – the concept of Ukraine, they have been talking about it actually for a long time. ” On or about 29 April, I learned from U. officials with direct knowledge of the situation that Ambassador Yovanovitch had been suddenly recalled to Washington by senior State Department officials for “consultations” and would most likely be removed from her position. Around the same time, I also learned from a U. official that “associates” of Mr. Giuliani were trying to make contact with the incoming Zelenskyy team. 11 On 6 May, the State Department announced that Ambassador Yovanovitch would be ending her assignment in Kyiv “as planned. ” However, several U. officials told me that, in fact, her tour was curtailed because of pressure stemming from Mr. Lutsenko’s allegations. Giuliani subsequently stated in an interview with a Ukrainian journalist published on 14 May that Ambassador Yovanovitch was “removed … because she was part of the efforts against the President. ” Read CNN’s profile of Yovanovitch, a career diplomat whose recall drew criticism from Democrats earlier this year. In his July 25 phone call with Zelensky, Trump disparaged his former ambassador. “The former ambassador from the United States, the woman, was bad news, and the people she was dealing with in the Ukraine were bad news so I just want to let you know that, ” Trump said — a highly unusual attack by the President on an American civil servant in a conversation with a foreign leader. On 9 May, The New York Times reported that Mr. Giuliani planned to travel to Ukraine to press the Ukrainian government to pursue investigations that would help the President in his 2020 reelection bid. In his multitude of public statements leading up to and in the wake of the publication of this article, Mr. Giuliani confirmed that he was focused on encouraging Ukrainian authorities to pursue investigations into alleged Ukrainian interference in the 2016 U. election and alleged wrongdoing by the Biden family. 12 On the afternoon of 10 May, the President stated in an interview with Politico that he planned to speak with Mr. Giuliani about the trip. A few hours later, Mr. Giuliani publicly canceled his trip, claiming that Mr. Zelenskyy was “surrounded by enemies of the [U. ] President… and of the United States. ” On 11 May, Mr. Lutsenko met for two hours with President-elect Zelenskyy, according to a public account given several days later by Mr. Lutsenko. Lutsenko publicly stated that he had told Mr. Zelenskyy that he wished to remain as Prosecutor General. Starting in mid-May, I heard from multiple U. officials that they were deeply concerned by what they viewed as Mr. Giuliani’s circumvention of national security decisionmaking processes to engage with Ukrainian officials and relay messages back and forth between Kyiv and the President. These officials also told me: that State Department officials, including Ambassadors Volker and Sondland, had spoken with Mr. Giuliani in an attempt to “contain the damage” to U. national security; and that Ambassadors Volker and Sandland during this time period met with members of the new Ukrainian administration and, in addition to discussing policy matters, sought to help Ukrainian leaders understand and respond to the differing messages they were receiving from official U. channels on the-one-hand, and from Mr. Giuliani on the other. During this same timeframe, multiple U. officials told me that the Ukrainian leadership was led to believe that a meeting or phone call between the President and President Zelenskyy would depend on whether Zelenskyy showed willingness to “play ball” on the issues that had been publicly aired by Mr. Lutsenko and Mr. (Note: This was the general understanding of the state of affairs as conveyed to me by U. officials from late May into early July. I do not know who delivered this message to the Ukrainian leadership, or when. ) See Enclosure for additional information. CNN has reported on this point of view. One complicating factor is that Volker apparently helped set up Giuliani’s meeting with Yermak, the aide to Ukraine’s president. Shortly after President Zelenskyy’ s inauguration, it was publicly reported that Mr. Giuliani met with two other Ukrainian officials: Ukraine’s Special Anticorruption Prosecutor, Mr. Nazar Kholodnytskyy, and a former Ukrainian diplomat named Andriy Telizhenko. Both Mr. Kholodnytskyy and Mr. Telizhenko are allies of Mr. Lutsenko and made similar allegations in the above-mentioned series of articles in The Hill. On 13 June, the President told ABC’ s George Stephanopoulos that he would accept damaging information on his political rivals from a foreign government. On 21 June, Mr. Giuliani tweeted: “New Pres of Ukraine still silent on investigation of Ukrainian interference in 2016 and alleged Biden bribery of Poroshenko. Time for leadership and investigate both if you want to purge how Ukraine was abused by Hillary and Clinton people. ” In mid-July, I learned of a sudden change of policy with respect to U. assistance for Ukraine. See Enclosure for additional information. This would be Trump’s decision to hold up aid, including military aid, to Ukraine. An outcry from Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill ultimately forced Trump to back down in September. ENCLOSURE: Classified appendix Apart from the information in the Enclosure, it is my belief that none of the information contained herein meets the definition of “classified information” outlined in EO 13526, Part 1, Section 1. 1. There is ample open-source information about the efforts I describe below, including statements by the President and Mr. In addition, based on my personal observations, there is discretion with respect to the classification of private comments by or instructions from the President, including his communications with foreign leaders; information that is not related to U. foreign policy or national security—such as the information contained in this document, when separated from the Enclosure-is generally treated as unclassified. I also believe that applying a classification marking to this information would violate EO 13526, Part 1, Section 1. 7, which states: “In no case shall information be classified, continue to be maintained as classified, or fail to be declassified in order to: (1) conceal violations of law, inefficiency, or administrative error; (or] (2) prevent embarrassment to a person, organization, or agency. ” There are many indications that this report was written with an eye to keeping it from being classified. It relies very specifically on a lot of press reporting and official statements. It is unclear whether such a Ukrainian investigation exists. See Footnote #7 for additional information. I do not know why the President associates these servers with Ukraine. (See, for example, his comments to Fox News on 20 July: “And Ukraine. Take a look at Ukraine. How come the FBI didn’t take this server? Podesta told them to get out. He said, get out. So, how come the FBI didn’t take the server from the DNC? ”) Here is CNN’s Fact Check of Trump’s claims, or what he seems to be claiming about the server. In a report published by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) on 22 July, two associates of Mr. Giuliani reportedly traveled to Kyiv in May 2019 and met with Mr. Bakanov and another close Zelenskyy adviser, Mr. Serhiy Shefir. Mr. Sytnyk and Mr. Leshchenko are two of Mr. Lutsenko’s main domestic rivals. Lutsenko has no legal training and has been widely criticized in Ukraine for politicizing criminal probes and using his tenure as Prosecutor General to protect corrupt Ukrainian officials. He has publicly feuded with Mr. Sytnyk, who heads Ukraine’s only competent anticorruption body, and with Mr. Leshchenko, a former investigative journalist who has repeatedly criticized Mr. Lutsenko’s record. In December 2018, a Ukrainian court upheld a complaint by a Member of Parliament, Mr. Boryslav Rozenblat, who alleged that Mr. Leshchenko had “interfered” in the 2016 U. election by publicizing a document detailing corrupt payments made by former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych before his ouster in 2014. Rozenblat had originally filed the motion in late 2017 after attempting to flee Ukraine amid an investigation into his taking of a large bribe. On 16 July 2019, Mr. Leshchenko publicly stated that a Ukrainian court had overturned the lower court’s decision. Mr. Lutsenko later told Ukrainian news outlet The Babel on 17 April that Ambassador Yovanovitch had never provided such a list, and that he was, in fact, the one who requested such a list. Mr. Lutsenko later told Bloomberg on 16 May that former Vice President Biden and his son were not subject to any current Ukrainian investigations, and that he had noevidence against them. Other senior Ukrainian officials also contested his original allegations; one former senior Ukrainian prosecutor told Bloomberg on 7 May that Mr. Shakin in fact was not investigating Burisma at the time of his removal in 2016. See, for example, Mr. Lutsenko’s comments to The Hill on 1 and 7 April and his interview with The Babel on 17 April, in which he stated that he had spoken with Mr. Giuliani about arranging contact with Attorney General Barr. In May, Attorney General Barr announced that he was initiating a probe into the “origins” of the Russia investigation. According to the above-referenced OCCRP report (22 July), two associates of Mr. Giuliani claimed to be working with Ukrainian officials to uncover information that would become part of this inquiry. In an interview with Fox News on 8 August, Mr. Giuliani claimed that Mr. John Durham, whom Attorney General Barr designated to lead this probe, was “spending a lot of time in Europe” because he was “investigating Ukraine. ” I do not know the extent to which, if at all, Mr. Giuliani is directly coordinating his efforts on Ukraine with Attorney General Barr or Mr. Durham. See, for example, the above-referenced articles in Bloomberg (16 May) and OCCRP (22 July). I do not know whether these associates of Mr. Giuliani were the same individuals named in the 22 July report by OCCRP, referenced above. See, for example, Mr. Giuliani’s appearance on Fox News on p April and his tweets on 23 April and 10 May. In his interview with The New York Times, Mr. Giuliani stated that the President “ basically knows what I’m doing, sure, as his lawyer. ” Mr. Giuliani also stated: “We’re not meddling in an election, we’ re meddling in an investigation, which we have a right to do… There’s nothing illegal about it... Somebody could say it’s improper. And this isn’t foreign policy - I’m asking them to do an investigation that they’re doing already and that other people are telling them to stop. And I’ m going to give them reasons why they shouldn’t stop it because that information will be very, very helpful to my client, and may tum out to be helpful to my government. ” (U) CLASSIFIED APPENDIX (U) Supplementary classified information is provided as follows: According to multiple White House officials I spoke with, the transcript of the President’s call with President Zelenskyy was placed into a computer system managed directly by the National Security Council (NSC) Directorate for Intelligence Programs. This is a standalone computer system reserved for codeword-level intelligence information, such as covert action. According to information I received from White House officials, some officials voiced concerns internally that this would be an abuse of the system and was not consistent with the responsibilities of the Directorate for Intelligence Programs. According to White House officials I spoke with, this was “not the first time” under this Administration that a Presidential transcript was placed into this codeword-level system solely for the purpose of protecting politically sensitive-rather than national security sensitive-information. Unnecessarily designating something as classified has long been criticized as a government technique to keep inconvenient facts quiet. The whistleblower is suggesting there are other matters that have been handled in this way under the Trump administration. The transcript of the call with Zelensky would have stayed out of public view until after 2040 under its original classification. [Redaction] I would like to expand upon two issues mentioned in Section IV that might have a connection with the overall effort to pressure the Ukrainian leadership. As I do not know definitively whether the below-mentioned decisions are connected to the broader efforts I describe, I have chosen to include them in the classified annex. If they indeed represent genuine policy deliberations and decisions formulated to advance U. foreign policy and national security, one might be able to make a reasonable case that the facts are classified. The whistleblower repeatedly makes a point of separating firsthand knowledge from what he or she has been told or infers. I learned from U. officials that, on or around 14 May, the President instructed Vice President Pence to cancel his planned travel to Ukraine to attend President Zelenskyy’ s inauguration on 20 May; Secretary of Energy Rick Perry led the delegation instead. According to these officials, it was also “made clear” to them that the President did not want to meet with Mr. Zelenskyy until he saw how Zelenskyy “chose to act” in office. I do not know how this guidance was communicated, or by whom. I also do not know whether this action was connected with the broader understanding, described in the unclassified letter, that a meeting or phone call between the President and President Zelenskyy would depend on whether Zelenskyy showed willingness to “play ball’’ on the issues that had been publicly aired by Mr. Giuliani. This gets directly to the heart of the matter: Did Zelensky understand that in order to get aid to buy his Javelins he needed to “play ball”? On 18 July, an Office of Management and Budget (0MB) official informed Departments and Agencies that the President “earlier that month” had issued instructions to sµspend all U. security assistance to Ukraine. Neither 0MB nor the NSC staff knew why this instruction had been issued. During interagency meetings on 23 July and 26 July, 0MB officials again stated explicitly that the instruction to suspend this assistance had come directly from the President, but they still were unaware of a policy rationale. As of early August, I heard from U. officials that some Ukrainian officials were aware that might be in jeopardy, but I do not know how or when they learned of it. The aid was unfrozen in September after an outcry on Capitol Hill.

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Download movie chui shao renewal. Download Movie Chui shao ren. A team in white biohazard suits watch as some of the approximately 200 passengers walk to waiting... [+] buses upon arriving on a charter flight from Wuhan, China, after landing at March Air Reserve Base in Riverside, Calif. (Photo by Will Lester/MediaNews Group/Inland Valley Daily Bulletin via Getty Images Topline: Dozens of federal health personnel assisted coronavirus patients without proper training and protective gear, a whistleblower alleges, as lawmakers of both parties question the Trump administration’s response so far to the deadly disease. The complaint says health workers from the Department of Health and Human Services were sent to military bases in California to help recent evacuees from China without proper training or protective gear, potentially exposing them to the virus, according to the Washington Post, which first reported the complaint. The workers did not show symptoms of the virus and were not tested. The workers are members of the Administration for Children and Families, a unit within HHS that usually deals with people recovering from natural disasters, which may raise questions about President Donald Trump’s cutback of resources for infectious diseases throughout his administration. When the whistleblower, a senior HHS official in Washington D. C., alerted senior Trump officials—including HHS Secretary Alex Azar—to concerns about staff safety, her complaints were dismissed as damaging to staff morale, the New York Times reported. The whistleblower was eventually reassigned to a new position and told she would be fired if she did not accept, which is why she is seeking federal protection under whistleblower statutes. HHS Spokeswoman Caitlin Oakley said in a statement that it takes “all whistleblower complaints very seriously and are providing the complainant all appropriate protections under the Whistleblower Protection Act. We are evaluating the complaint and have nothing further to add at this time. ” Crucial quote: “We are hopeful that Congress and the OSC (Office of the Special Counsel) will investigate this case in a timely and comprehensive manner. This matter concerns HHS’s response to the coronavirus, and its failure to protect its employees and potentially the public.  The retaliatory efforts to intimidate and silence our client must be opposed, ” said Ari Wilkenfeld, the whistleblower’s attorney, in a statement to Forbes. News peg: Covid-19 has spread globally as the U. S. and other countries in Europe and the Middle East prepare for more cases and the possibility of mass shutdowns. At least 82, 000 people have been infected worldwide and 2, 800 have died, according to the World Health Organization. All the while, the disease has disrupted business operations—especially those with supply chains touching China—and caused the stock market to drop Thursday in the largest one day point decline in history. Key background: Trump put Vice President Mike Pence in charge of the administration’s response to the outbreak on Wednesday after days of complaints from both parties that the White House wasn’t doing enough to coordinate its response to the virus. But the move did little to quell concerns about Pence’s shaky public health track record or the administration’s commitment to taking seriously the potential for an outbreak.

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2. Publisher: Derek Winnert
3. Resume: Derek Winnert is a leading UK film critic and author, and a member of the London Critics Circle.

 

 

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